Opinion
J.G Vassallo
27 June 2010 12:20
 The Worm in the Apple
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For politicians as well as the media, it is standard operating procedure to survey the past from time to time, and to take measure of the future.
In Malta’s polarized political climate, this exercise is more surreal than real. It takes the form of associating one’s favorite politics with the sublime, and demonizing the politics of the adversaries.
The electorate is becoming increasingly inured to this aberration, which has the obnoxious odour of hypocrisy. A democratic electorate wants its elected representatives – of whatever political orientation – to focus on the efficient administration of its national affairs and on the diligent husbandry of the nation’s resources. It wants transparency. It expects accountability. And it insists on its sovereign right to review the performance of its representatives every so often. It is within the ambit of these co-ordinates that politicians, and the media, are supposed to take their bearings.. More often than not, they don’t. .
Time to Grow Up
That is why, on the one hand, the Government side basks in the abstract, on its “new way of doing politics”, and, alternatively, on the distant vistas open to Malta through the deployment of EU funds. It scrupulously avoids open discussion on Malta’s economic predicament.. The Opposition, on its part, realizing the groundswell of electoral disenchantment, takes advantage of the wind blowing in its sails, and applies itself to constructive interaction with civil society, in order to prepare itself as an alternative government.
It is time to grow up and cast off the tattered and dirty garments, reminiscent of feudal and colonial times. Imperatives of Survival The imperatives of survival, as well as the elementary rules of common sense, demand that, where the uppermost national interest so demands, ALL the people’s elected representatives should have a say on the ground rules of government and their observance. These rules have to be hammered out with the consent of the governed, and with the full-blooded participation of civil society.
This is not the concern of Brussels. Brussels keeps Malta’s economic performance under close scrutiny. We empowered Brussels to enforce, with our consent, the free movement of goods, capital and persons across the territory of the European Union. We share with Brussels our commitment to the rule of law.
But, as Professor Ralf Dahrendorf had occasion to underline, the rule of law “requires ,not just a constitution but, almost more importantly, an independent judiciary that is sensitive to violations of constitutional and other legitimate rules”
He elaborated by saying that “we know from history that it takes but one Enabling Law to unhinge the rule of law, and replace it by an ideological tyranny.” It happened when Hitler came to power in Professor Dahrendorf’s own country.
Role of Civil Society
This is where civil society assumes relevance. A plurality of civic associations and activities – regulated but not controlled by the state, and free to express its views and even to demonstrate its (diverse) sentiments publicly-- is the most powerful pillar of the liberal order.
We are beginning to see Maltese civil society taking shape and coming to life. But we have yet to hear ringing national outcries against abuse of power, especially when such power has been democratically gained, and against inertia and dilatoriness of all kinds, ranging from the collection of revenue arrears, to the administration of justice
.
‘Winner-takes-All’ Formula
Although, we run a constitutional democracy, the system rests on the ‘electoral-winner-takes-all’ basis.
The system is exclusive and old-established. It is designed to concentrate power in one pair of hands. It has been well- described by an insider, who knew the inner workings of the PN more than anyone else – namely Censu Tabone, former Minister and President of the Republic, and whose thoughts were captured by Professor Henry Frendo in his biography (Censu Tabone: The Man and his Century) This is what he wrote: “Unlike other European countries, in Malta, even if some groups may share friendships, ideas or interests, there are no open factions, and any criticism of the leader would risk branding the critical or dissenting thinker as a traitor (sic). The hegemony and longevity in leadership epitomized in the past by the ‘reigns’ of Gonzi, Borg Olivier and Mintoff, is seen decidedly as a negative factor, working in favour of the power-wielding caucus of ‘inner sanctum’ secretaries, advisers, businessmen, politicians or other confidantes –il-klikka tal poter- to the exclusion of all others in the wings. A static sameness in authority aids and abets time- serving, parasitic elements who appropriate power even if they represent no electorate; it emarginates talent and potential, while simultaneously reducing vigour and enthusiasm. Collective responsibility in Cabinet and obeying the whip can be trying enough, however required for the working of democracy, but the trappings of a veritable ‘leader principle’ hierarchical structure, as experienced rather emphatically in Malta, are worse…..”
Life after Censu has never changed. Within the fossilized PN structure, power is the exclusive preserve of the ‘inner sanctum’ which is an active agent of polarization
Motor is not Working
A worm has eaten its way into the apple. There is a growing realization that Parliament, which is the working motor of our constitution, has not worked as it should have done. Many politicians who were propelled to the top, under the existing rules of the game, were in a position to initiate and engineer change. Instead, they opted for a quiet life and exploited their inertia to their advantage.
What is to be the outcome for democracy in Malta? The answer depends on whether we destroy the worm before the apple begins to rot.
In Malta’s polarized political climate, this exercise is more surreal than real. It takes the form of associating one’s favorite politics with the sublime, and demonizing the politics of the adversaries.
The electorate is becoming increasingly inured to this aberration, which has the obnoxious odour of hypocrisy. A democratic electorate wants its elected representatives – of whatever political orientation – to focus on the efficient administration of its national affairs and on the diligent husbandry of the nation’s resources. It wants transparency. It expects accountability. And it insists on its sovereign right to review the performance of its representatives every so often. It is within the ambit of these co-ordinates that politicians, and the media, are supposed to take their bearings.. More often than not, they don’t. .
Time to Grow Up
That is why, on the one hand, the Government side basks in the abstract, on its “new way of doing politics”, and, alternatively, on the distant vistas open to Malta through the deployment of EU funds. It scrupulously avoids open discussion on Malta’s economic predicament.. The Opposition, on its part, realizing the groundswell of electoral disenchantment, takes advantage of the wind blowing in its sails, and applies itself to constructive interaction with civil society, in order to prepare itself as an alternative government.
It is time to grow up and cast off the tattered and dirty garments, reminiscent of feudal and colonial times. Imperatives of Survival The imperatives of survival, as well as the elementary rules of common sense, demand that, where the uppermost national interest so demands, ALL the people’s elected representatives should have a say on the ground rules of government and their observance. These rules have to be hammered out with the consent of the governed, and with the full-blooded participation of civil society.
This is not the concern of Brussels. Brussels keeps Malta’s economic performance under close scrutiny. We empowered Brussels to enforce, with our consent, the free movement of goods, capital and persons across the territory of the European Union. We share with Brussels our commitment to the rule of law.
But, as Professor Ralf Dahrendorf had occasion to underline, the rule of law “requires ,not just a constitution but, almost more importantly, an independent judiciary that is sensitive to violations of constitutional and other legitimate rules”
He elaborated by saying that “we know from history that it takes but one Enabling Law to unhinge the rule of law, and replace it by an ideological tyranny.” It happened when Hitler came to power in Professor Dahrendorf’s own country.
Role of Civil Society
This is where civil society assumes relevance. A plurality of civic associations and activities – regulated but not controlled by the state, and free to express its views and even to demonstrate its (diverse) sentiments publicly-- is the most powerful pillar of the liberal order.
We are beginning to see Maltese civil society taking shape and coming to life. But we have yet to hear ringing national outcries against abuse of power, especially when such power has been democratically gained, and against inertia and dilatoriness of all kinds, ranging from the collection of revenue arrears, to the administration of justice
.
‘Winner-takes-All’ Formula
Although, we run a constitutional democracy, the system rests on the ‘electoral-winner-takes-all’ basis.
The system is exclusive and old-established. It is designed to concentrate power in one pair of hands. It has been well- described by an insider, who knew the inner workings of the PN more than anyone else – namely Censu Tabone, former Minister and President of the Republic, and whose thoughts were captured by Professor Henry Frendo in his biography (Censu Tabone: The Man and his Century) This is what he wrote: “Unlike other European countries, in Malta, even if some groups may share friendships, ideas or interests, there are no open factions, and any criticism of the leader would risk branding the critical or dissenting thinker as a traitor (sic). The hegemony and longevity in leadership epitomized in the past by the ‘reigns’ of Gonzi, Borg Olivier and Mintoff, is seen decidedly as a negative factor, working in favour of the power-wielding caucus of ‘inner sanctum’ secretaries, advisers, businessmen, politicians or other confidantes –il-klikka tal poter- to the exclusion of all others in the wings. A static sameness in authority aids and abets time- serving, parasitic elements who appropriate power even if they represent no electorate; it emarginates talent and potential, while simultaneously reducing vigour and enthusiasm. Collective responsibility in Cabinet and obeying the whip can be trying enough, however required for the working of democracy, but the trappings of a veritable ‘leader principle’ hierarchical structure, as experienced rather emphatically in Malta, are worse…..”
Life after Censu has never changed. Within the fossilized PN structure, power is the exclusive preserve of the ‘inner sanctum’ which is an active agent of polarization
Motor is not Working
A worm has eaten its way into the apple. There is a growing realization that Parliament, which is the working motor of our constitution, has not worked as it should have done. Many politicians who were propelled to the top, under the existing rules of the game, were in a position to initiate and engineer change. Instead, they opted for a quiet life and exploited their inertia to their advantage.
What is to be the outcome for democracy in Malta? The answer depends on whether we destroy the worm before the apple begins to rot.
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